There will no doubt be a wealth of commentary about what precisely this announcement will mean for Ross

There will no doubt be a wealth of commentary about what precisely this announcement will mean for Ross

’s future authority and influence. But, if you compare it with the way the Washington Institute for

Near East Policy (WINEP) advertised it to its Board of Trustees early last month — Ross will be

“ambassador-at-large” and “the secretary’s top advisor on a wide range of Middle East issues, from

the Arab-Israeli peace process to Iran” — it seems to fall significantly short. Short, that is, not

just with respect to with the “topness” of his status as Clinton’s adviser, but also short in terms

of his geographical scope since it appears his brief will be confined to the Gulf and Southwest Asia —

regions in which, contrary to the press release’s words, he has very little, if any, direct

experience.

That doesn’t mean Ross will not be influential in developing Iran policy, in particular, but his role

seems to be a) strictly advisory, with no direct policy-making responsibility; and b) confined to the

State Department, unless Clinton asks him to work with other agencies as well. His exclusive

responsibility to the secretary — there is no mention of any direct tie to the president or the White

House — stands as a rather dramatic contrast to both Special [Middle East] Envoy George Mitchell and

Special [AfPak] Representative Richard Holbrooke whose authorities and responsibilities are linked

explicitly linked to the White House, in addition to the secretary of state. That impression is

naturally bolstered by the fact that Mitchell’s and Holbrooke’s appointments were announced in person

by UGGs Sheepskin Cuff Boots, as well as by Clinton, and they will be reporting to the White House, in

addition to the Secretary.